(NOT) MADE IN INDIA
Despite successive governments scrapping thousands of archaic statutesthat have no place in modern India, there are a few British relics that wecontinue to follow even todayIndia achieved independence from the UnitedKingdom (UK) on August 15, 1947, but the coloniallegacy lives on in our love for chai and cricket, andon a heavier note, in our law and order systemwhich is a direct import from...
Despite successive governments scrapping thousands of archaic statutes
that have no place in modern India, there are a few British relics that we
continue to follow even today
India achieved independence from the United
Kingdom (UK) on August 15, 1947, but the colonial
legacy lives on in our love for chai and cricket, and
on a heavier note, in our law and order system
which is a direct import from the British.
Immediately after the country became independent,
adopting a system that was homegrown yet understanding
of the needs and beliefs of various castes, communities,
and classes it sought to bring together was possibly
the best way forward for the new government. As such,
the laws that were in existence under the British rule
continued well after they left, and while the Indian society
adapted to most of them, there were some that survived
like relics in a museum, having no relevance whatsoever
to modern India. A case in point is the century-old statute
levying toll tax of not more than two annas (a currency no
longer in existence) on boats ferrying passengers across
River Ganga.
As far back as 1955, the Law Commission of India suggested
that a new legal system be adopted, junking useless British
laws while retaining the more useful ones in a more
Indian format. Since then, successive governments have
weeded out as many as 1,301 obsolete laws to improve
administration and ease of doing business. The Narendra
Modi government achieved a record of sorts by scrapping
as many as 1,200 redundant Acts in just three years, in
addition to identifying 1,824 more obsolete Central Acts
for repealing. The streamlining exercise notwithstanding,
there are still at least five laws that owe their origin to
the British but continue to be followed even today. Here's
looking at them.
Some recent deal trends
The British government introduced the Dramatic
Performance Act in 1876 to prevent locals from using
theater to revolt against the Raj. There was a predilection
for outrageous and derogatory dramatic performances at
the time. With this Act, the British sought to gag all such
performances capable of corrupting people and inciting
anti-colonial feelings among them.
Even in independent India, many states introduced this
Act, albeit with amendments, save for West Bengal and
Delhi. In 2014, the Law Commission recommended that
the Act be rescinded as it had been propagated under the
British Raj to curb nationalist sentiments and that it had
no place in modern democratic society. In the same year,
the Madras High Court ruled that the Tamil Nadu Dramatic
Performance Act, 1954 be revoked as it violated Articles 14
and 19 of the Indian Constitution.
Blasphemy Law
During the religious uprising in Punjab in 1920, Muslims
resorted to violence to protest a publication, Rangeela
Rasool, which carried information about the life and
times of Prophet Mohammad which greatly offended the
community. The author of the work was charged under
Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), but the Lahore High Court did not consider it as an offense. Instead, a
clause was added to Section 295 of the IPC, making the
publishing of content hurting the religious sentiments of
any community an offense.
Since then, Section 295A of the IPC—criticized for
restricting freedom of speech—has been invoked on
various occasions to ban the publication of books, etc.
One such instance was the lawsuit brought against
Wendy Doniger's book titled, "The Hindus: An Alternative
History" under Section 295A of the IPC. Many view the
section as a violation of Article 19(2) (fundamental rights)
of the Indian Constitution.
Sedition Law
In 1795 England, war against the King to force him
to change his policies or to intimidate Parliament was
considered an offense. In 1870 British India, sedition
(treason) was made a criminal offense, with freedom
fighter Bal Gangadhar Tilak among the few who bore the
brunt of the Sedition Law. The bone of contention was that
allegedly provoked by Tilak's speeches, a few Brahmin
youths in Pune murdered two British soldiers. Once, Tilak
was released after an 18-month trial, while in the other
instance, he was sentenced to six years' imprisonment
for an editorial published in his newspaper Kesari. Even
M.K. Gandhi in 1922 was taken to court for his articles
in a magazine, Young India, that spoke of sedition as the
"prince of political sections" intended to suppress citizens'
liberty.
Post independence in December 1948, the word "sedition"
was dropped and the law was amended when senior
Congress leader, Seth Govind Das, spoke against the
section in the house. While "sedition" disappeared from
the Indian Constitution thereafter, it remained part of
Section 124A of the IPC. Not very long ago, this section
was invoked against a student of Jawaharlal Nehru
University (JNU) for his remarks favoring separatist Afzal
Guru. In July 2017, as many as 165 arrests on charges
of sedition were recorded by the National Crime Records
Bureau (NCRB).
Personal Laws
Through medieval times and the Mughal Empire, Muslim
administrators opted not to interfere in the personal
laws of Hindus or Muslims so as to maintain harmony.
Under the British Raj, the Governor General of India,
Warren Hastings, too, chose to nurture the personal
laws of Hindus and Muslims instead of drafting a new
law to regulate the religious sentiments of both
communities. In a sense, this was as an extension of the
infamous "divide and rule" policy followed by the British
to establish their hold over India. Hastings' Rule that
distinguished between the personal laws of Hindus and
Muslims later found expression as the Cornwallis Code,
1793. Personal laws, which found firm ground back in the
17th century, have continued to influence the Indian polity
till date.
Over the years, triple talaq under Muslim law has been
the subject of much debate till the historic December
2017 judgment, where the Supreme Court of India set it
aside as a "manifestly arbitrary practice" and rendered its
pronouncement—either spoken, written, or in electronic
or any other form—as "void and illegal". The Muslim
Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill, 2017
made pronouncement of triple talaq a cognizable and
non-bailable offense, punishable with a jail term and
a fine. The Bill further entitled Muslim women upon
whom triple talaq was pronounced to receive from their
husbands' subsistence allowance for themselves and their
(dependent) children.
Criminalization Of Homosexuality
In British India, laws related to sexual offenses came into
existence in 1825 under the leadership of the then Chairman
of the Law Commission, Thomas Babington Macaulay.
In 1842, homosexuality was deemed "a nasty, wicked,
filthy, lewd, beastly, unnatural, and sodomitic practice".
Following the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, the Parliament
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in
1860-61 passed the "Offenses against the Person
Act" which defined homosexuality as an "unnatural
offense" based on whether the act was consensual or
non-consensual. Thereafter, the "consent" aspect was
dropped to read as it does today under Section 377 of
the Indian Penal Code (IPC), 1860, which criminalizes
homosexuality.
Section 377 has stoked much controversy since 2009,
when the High Court decriminalized it. Then, in 2012,
the Supreme Court of India overturned the High Court's
decision and criminalized homosexuality once again. The
matter has once again come to the fore, with the Supreme
Court on July 12, 2018 stating that the social stigma and
discrimination attached to the LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay,
Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer) community will go away
if consensual gay (homosexual) sex was decriminalized.
The SC has maintained that it will scrutinize the
Constitutional validity of Section 377 of the IPC in detail.
A five-judge bench comprising CJI Dipak Misra and Justices
R.F. Nariman, A.M. Khanwilkar, D.Y. Chandrachud, and
Indu Malhotra is currently hearing petitions challenging
the Constitutional validity of the 158-year-old punitive
law.
Disclaimer – Statements and opinions expressed in this article are those from the editorial and are well researched from various sources. The content in the article is purely informative in nature.